Thursday, December 17, 2009
In 2007, in honor of Black History Month and the struggle for civil rights in America, Noami L Madgett posted one of her favorite poems titled "ALABAMA CENTENNIAL" published by Naomi Long Madgett way back in 1965 in the poetry book Star by Star. The poem was posted on the following link. Here is the poem in its original version. http://amaddemocrat.blogspot.com/2007/02/alabama-centennial-by-naomi-long.html
They said, "Wait." Well, I waited.
For a hundred years I waited
In cotton fields, kitchens, balconies,
In bread lines, at back doors, on chain gangs,
In stinking "colored" toilets
And crowded ghettos,
Outside of schools and voting booths.
And some said, "Later."
And some said, "Never!"
Then a new wind blew, and a new voice
Rode its wings with quiet urgency,
Strong, determined, sure.
"No," it said. "Not 'never,' not 'later.
"Not even 'soon.
And other voices echoed the freedom words,
"Walk together, children, don't get weary,
"Whispered them, sang them, prayed them, shouted them.
And I walked the streets of Montgomery
Until a link in the chain of patient acquiescence broke.
Then again: Sit down!
And I sat down at the counters of Greensboro.
Ride! And I rode the bus for freedom.
Kneel! And I went down on my knees in prayer and faith.
March! And I'll march until the last chain falls
Singing, "We shall overcome.
"Not all the dogs and hoses in Birmingham
Nor all the clubs and guns in Selma
Can turn this tide.
Not all the jails can hold these young black faces
From their destiny of manhood,
Of equality, of dignity,
Of the American Dream
A hundred years past due.
[From Star by Star by Naomi Long Madgett.]
God bless Naomi L Madgett
Saturday, August 16, 2008
Mal balulchiinsa jallaa barootaaf ummata Oromoo irratti fe’amee jiru jalaa ba’uuf lammiwwan Oromoo akka dhuunfaattis ta’e gamtaatti biyyaa godaanuun biyyoota ollaa fi baar gama cehuun qubachuu erga jalqaban wagga 40maa ol ta’ee jira. Baqattooni Oromoo baayyinaan kan isaan keessa qubatan Baha Afirkaa kan akka Jibuutiii, Kenya, Somalia, fi Sudan, akkasumas lakoobsaan muraasa kan ta’an Kibba Afirkaa fi biyyoota arabaa adda addaa keessa qubatanii jiru. Biyyoota Afirkaan alas biyyoota Akka Europe, USA, Canada fi Australia keessatti baayyinaan qubatanii jiru.
Lammiwwan Oromoo kun isa biyyaa ba’an callisanii jireenya isaanii qofa fooyyeffachuu irratti kan bobba’an osoo hin taane, qabsoo ummanni Oromoo hiree mataa isaa murteeffachuuf biyya keessaa gaggeessaa turee fi jiru dinagdee fi yaadaan utubuun gahee isaanii ba’aa turanii fi jiru. Aadaa, seenaa fi og barruun afaan Oromoo akka hin badneef ykn kan hormaan wal makee akka hin wallaalchifneef kitaabota adda addaa barreessuun, barrulewan goosa adda addaa maxxansiisuun gahee isaan irraa eegamu baayyee raawwachaa jiru. Irra darbees daa’imman Oromoo biyya alaatti dhalatanis ta’e, biyya irraa xinnummaan kan ba’an aadaa fi afaan warra isaanii qabatanii akka guddataniif tattaaffii isaan taasisan xinnaa miti.
Bara 1970 ta keessa warreen akka Generaal Waaqoo Guutuufaas roorroo alagaa jibba biyyaa erga ba’an booda tooftaa lolaa barachuun meeshaa waraanaa hidhatanii kan biyyatti deebi’an, kanneen akka Ayyuub Abubakar Somalia irraa lafa Oromootti kan darbu raadiyoo afaan Oromoo banuun barnoota barbaachisaa ummata Oromoof dabarsaa kan turanis fakkenya baayyee keessa isa tokko.
Yeroo ammaa kanattis hawwaasni Oromoo biyyoota alaa jiran baayyeen isaanii haala waliin ijaaramuu danda’anitti wal ijaaruun sabni Oromoo akka saba tokkootti addunyaa irratti akka beekamuuf beeyyee irratti hojjechaa jiru. Tattaaffii isaanii kana fiixaan baasuufis akka wal fakkaatanii fi waliin ijaaramuu danda’anitti ijaaramaniiru. Fakkeenyaaf beektotni Oromoo Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (Oromo Studies Association), Kaa’imman Oromoo Waldaa dargaggoota Oromoo(Oromo youth Association ) Waldaaleen Amantii kirstaanaa; Waldaa warra Wangeelaa afaan Oromoo( yeroo ammaa kanatti waldaalee 30 ol) maqaa adda addaan biyya alaa kana irraa qabu. Yeroo ammaa kanatti tamsaasa TV dabalatee raadiyoonni afaan Oromoon ala knaa biyya keessatti darban baayyeedha. Akkasumas jaarmayoonni siyaasaa fi namoomaa baayyeen bu’ureeffamuun ummanni Oromoo rakkoo namoomaa, hawwaasummaa fi dhiibbaa adda addaa jala jiru keessaa ba’ee fedhi isaa akka guutuufiif hojii guddaa hojjechaa jiru. Dadhabbiin isaanii kunis gaaf tokko firii akka qabaatuufiif abdii guddaa qabu.
Wednesday, August 13, 2008
Hiikaa Awwaajii namoota bebbeekamoo Oromoon qabaatanii dhaban keessaa nama tokko. Namni kun bara jireenya isaa keessatti waan yeroo hunda maqaa isa dhoofsisuu fi sabni isaa itti tajaajilaman kaa’ee nama darbeedha. Kanumaa Hiikaa Awwaajii eenyu inni, bara jireenya isaattoo Oromoof maal godhe? Barreeffamni kun deebisa kan qabateera.
Hiikaa Awwaajii 1856 biyya Oromoo kutaa Iluu-Abbaabor keessatti dhalate. Abbaa fi haati isaa horii horsiisuun jiraatu turan. Hiikaan isaa waggaa afurii abbaan isaa irraa waan du’eef obbolaa isaa lamaan hafan waliin kunuunsa haadha isaan jiraata ture. Garuu utuu fagaa hin turin gaaf tokko namoonni hidhannoo lolaa qaban bakka Hiikaan haadhaa fi obboleyyan isaa lamaan waliin loon tikfatan dhaquun namoota biroo Hiikaafaa waliin turan erga ajjeessaniin booda Hiikaa fi obboleyyan isaa haadha isaanii harkaa butatanii fudhatan. Haati Hiikaa u..uuu..uuu… jette. Na jajjeestan malee ijoollee koo na harkaa hin fudhattan jettee iyyite. Garuu jarri iyyaa fi bo’icha isheef bakka hin laanneefaa. Hiikaa harkaa butatanii deeman. Guyyaa sanaa ka’ees Hiikaan ni garboome. Maqaan isaas jijjiiramee Nasiib jedhame.
Namtichi jalqabaaf isa bitates yeroo gabaaf erga of bira turseen booda Hiikaan bo’ee, waan rakksiieef qaamaa fi qalbiin erga darareen booda dabarsee gurgurate.
Hiikaan haala akkasiin yeroo torbaffaaf gurgurame. Inni torbaffaatti bitates naannoo jiru irraa fagaatee Mitswaa bakka jedhamutti fudhatee gale. Namtichi kunis amalaan nama baayyee gara jabeessa ture. Hiikaan harka nama kanaa keessatti baayyee miidhame, reebamee hidhameeras. Guyyaa tokko manaa ba’ee magaalaa dhaqee achitti nama adii( Faranjii) arge. Battalumatti waan namtichi isa bitatee jiru ittiin jedhe sammuu isaa keessatti balaqqise. “biyya kana bulguun foon namaa nyaatutu jiraa of eeggadhu. Yoo ati hammaatte yookaan baduu yaalte isattan si gurgura” kaninni jedhu. Hiikaan sana dura nama adii argee waan hin beekneef bulguun nama nyaatu sun isa kana jedhee yaade. Jireenya akka sanaa jiraachuurras bulguu sanaan nyaatamee boqochuu hawwe.
Hiikaan ammas yeroo saddettaffaaf gabaatti dhihaatee, Faranjii Bulguudha jedhamee itti himamaa ture sanatti gurgurame. Yeroo sanatti hiikaan yeroo jalqabaaf jireenya isaatti abdii kutate. Utuu biyya isaatti deebi’ee haadhaa fi obboleyyan isaa hin argin du’atti akka dhihaate itti mul’ate. Namni marroo dhumaaf isa bite Itti aanaa Qonsilaa Embassy Faransay kan ta’e nama Vener Musinger jedhamu yoo ta’u yeroon isaas baatii Onkololessaa 1870 ture. Akka Hiikaan tilmaametti Musinger Hiikaa qalatee nyaachuuf kan bite osoo hin taane bilisa baasuuf ture.
Battalumattis mana barumsaa warra Misiyoonii Sweden galche. Hiikaanis Carraa isa mudate kanatti guddaa gammadee hamilee guutuun waan barateef barnoota isaatti jabaa ta’e. Bitootessa 31, 1872ttis Cuubame. Maqaan isaas jijjiiramee Onesmos jedhame. Onesmos jechuun afaan Girkiin waan fayidaa qabu jechuudha. Onesmos luba isa barsiisee isa cuube Lundihaal biratti kabajaa fi jaalala guddaa horate. Yeroo kanatti yeroo jalqabaaf gara dhaloota isaatti deebi’ee warra isaa barbaaduu kan jedhu yaadni itti dhufe. Kadhannaan isaas “…yaa Waaq yoom biyya abbaa kootti na deebistee warra koon wal na agarsiifta kan jedhu ture. Garuu akka inni yaadutti osoo hin taane biyya Sweden deemee barnoota isaa akka itti fufu kan jedhu qajeelfamni itti dhufe. Diduu hin danda’u. Waxabajjii 25 bara 1876 ti biyya Sweden magaalaa Stockholm gahe. Afaan Sweden baruun yeroo itti hin fudhanne. Waggaa shan keessatti barnoota Amantii baratee xumure. Sana booda hawwii isaa duraa kan biyya Oromootti deebi’uu jedhu sana dhugoomsuuf 1881tti gara Sudan dhaqee achirraan Mitsuwaatti deebi’e. Amma yaadni biraan sammuu isaa cinqee qabuu jalqabe, maatii isaa arguu osoo hin taane wangeela ofii baratee jireenya barabaraa ittiin abdate sana saba Oromoo waanjoo garbummaa jala jiran sanaan ga’uu ture. Kanaafuu Macaafa qulqulluu gara afaan Oromootti hiikee maxxansiise. Kitaabota aadaa fi og barruu afaan Oromoos afaan Oromoon barreessee og barruu afaan Oromoof bu’uura lafa kaa’e. Sana boodas Onesmos Akka yaadettis salphaatti lafa Oromoo ga’uu baatellee dhuma irratti saba Oromoo bira ga’ee misiraachoo wangeelaa kana itti himuu danda’eera.
Monday, July 21, 2008
Wednesday, May 21, 2008
Ebla 19 gaafa Dafino ykn Hoja Duree galgala Finfinnee keessatti kan argamu Waajjira Dhimma Alaa Wayyaanee cinatti konkolataa geejjibaa xiqqaa namoota fe’ee deemu keessatti dhoksaan hidhamee ture dhohee battalumatti lubbuu namoota sadii kan galaafate yeroo tahu kanneen konkolaaticha keessa turan du’a irraa hafanis hedduu akka miidhaman odu tamsaasaan BBC addeesseera.
Maddi oduu BBC namoota biliqii konkolaatichi gubachuu jalqabe argan wabii dhahuun akka jedhetti, dhukaasichi konkolaaticha burkuteessee qaama konkolaatichaa qilleensa keessa akka facaase fi namoonni dirmatan reeffa namoota achi keessaa baasuu arge jedhee dubbata. Dhukaasaa ta’e kana ilaalchisee hanga yoonatti qaammi anatu sababaa kanaaf kana raawwate jedhee itti gaafatamummaa fudhate hin jiru. Aanga’oonni mootummaa wayyanee garuu dhukaasa kana mootummaa Eritrea fi qabsaa’ota adda bilisa baasaa ummatootaa kan mootummaa wayyaanen mormantu duuba jira jechuun jarreen yakku.
Akkuma yaadatamu, xumura filmaata naannoolee kan guutummaa Ethiopia tti baatii Caamsaa keessa geggeefameen booda haala walfakkaataan mana boba’aa raabsan lamarratti dhukaasni dhohee balaa gurguddaa geessisee ture. Balaan dhukaasa sun manneen boba’aa raabsan lamarratti kan qaqqabe akka lakkoofsa Oromootti (ALO) Caamsaa 14 bara 2008, Kibxata galagala. Jalaqabatti dhukaasa guddatu dhagahame. Itti fufee dhukaasa xixiqaa sadiitu dhaga’aman. Booda naannoon akka guyyaa ifuu jalqabe. Manni boba’aa raabsu kuusaa boba’aa fi meeshaalee adda addaa waliin abiddi itti qabatee. Hojjetoota dhaabbatichaa gaafas hojiirra jiranii fi namoota konkolaataa boba’aa guuttachuuf achi turan keessa hanga tokkorra midhaan ga’ee ture. Dhukaasni sun foddaa manaa fi konkolaatottaa caccabsee ture. Abiddi qabates manicha, meeshalee fi konkolaatottaa hanga tokko daara taassise. Manni daldalaa boba’aa raabsu sun balaa irra gahe sanarraa kan ka’e harra tajaajilaa alaa ta’ee jira. Deebi’ee tajaajila haa kennuu fi haa dhiisuu wanni beekamu hin jiru.
Gama biroon ammoo, deemsa filmaata biyyooleessaa bara 2005 Itoophiyaa keessatti geggeeffameen sagalee uumatatu hatameen jeequmsi ka’ee ummanni hiriira ba’an. Humni ittisaa wayyanee hiriira ba’ame sana dhaamsuuf yaalii godhe keessatti, keessahuu Finfinnee keessaatti, finciltootarra miidhaan ga’uun beekama dha. Walitti bu’iinsa ta’e sana keessatti namoonni dhibba tokkoof sagaltamii sadii du’uun akkasumas hedduun midhaamuun ni yaadatama. Walitti bu’iinsa ta’e sana keessatti qabeenyis barbadaa’ee ture.
Thursday, May 1, 2008
The root cause of today’s Oromia-Ethiopian conflict goes back to the formation of the Ethiopian empire state in 1880’s. Before that period, the many ethno-national groups we find today under the Ethiopian empire were used to live side-by –side independently, governing their own affair by themselves. These ethno-national groups were, however, in constant interaction with each other, peacefully as well confrontational, in search of access or control over resources. But none managed to conquer the other. However, the balance of power changed with the advent of power arms in Europe during the scramble for Africa.
The power that shaped the colonization of other Africa countries also shaped development in the horn of Africa. Western aid and ammunition helped the Abyssinian warlords to control Oromia and other ethno-nations in the region. That move culminated in the unwillingly incorporation of many independent ethno-nations, upon losing the war, into Abyssinia. To diffuse the tension and to legitimize the annexation, Abyssinian king changed the name of the incorporated empire states in 1950 to the present day Ethiopia. Accordingly, the present day Ethiopian empire-state comprises several ethno-national groups that include broadly the Cushitic, Semitic, Nilotic and Omotic ethno-language groups. In terms of population, the Cushitic people constitute by far the majority, accounting for about 70% of the population of that empire, yet for almost a century since the conquest by the north, they remained a ‘political minority’. The northern minority, the Semitic, who have been dominating political life in this part of the world, on the other hand, altogether account only for 25% of the population.
Further, the national integration envisaged resulted in forced yet unsuccessful assimilation of the majority into the culture of the northern minority while centralization ensured a monopoly of power. Control of state power enabled the northern minority unabated access to resources and thereby full control over both the production and distribution of material and social products, while the conquered ethno-nations have been denied access to resources, overtly as well covertly. This resulted in centre- periphery confrontation. Further compounding the problem is the unwillingness of the state to address the problems of the oppressed national groups. In response to the divide and rule system of the minority rule, the different ethno-nations organized themselves on ethnic line, making ethnic the defining political principle in the country, and the national group mobilized its resources to defend its territorial, economic, cultural and political claims (1).
With narrow political bases, successive Ethiopian regimes have been compelled to use excessive forces in order to retain exclusive control of the state power. As a result, state power became increasingly arbitrary, violent and brutal. That has been why the Ethiopian empire state had become the targets of the many liberation forces of the oppressed nationals.
It was the effort of such liberation forces, among many other factors, that overthrew the Haile Sillassie monarchy in 1974. However, the military junta that followed it made no better and was forced to flow its predecessor, after 17 years. The focus of the analysis is on the confrontation between the two major forces representing the centre-periphery opposing lines and the impact of their confrontation on the democratisation process in the country.
The transitional period: Its goals
The transitional government was merely to facilitate and pave ways for smooth transition to multiparty democracy after holding national election within 2 years time and was to handover power to the party or parties that gain majority in the National Assembly (2).
The forces in the transitional government of Ethiopia
The liberation forces that overthrew the military junta, created the transitional government. However, they had diverging opinion with respect to state power. But for simplicity, one can lump them into two: those opting for more centralization through consolidation of state power to the centre on one hand and those fighting for a real decentralization and democratisation of the empire state on the other hand.
These two forces could be represented by the two dominant forces in the transitional government namely the Tigray peoples liberation front (TPLF) and the Oromo liberation front (OLF). The OLF represents the Oromo people of the Cushitic group while the TPLF represents the Tigray people of the Semitic group who enjoy political ‘majority’ albeit being minority in terms of population size. The TPLF represents the centrist group and is bent on consolidating state power. The OLF, on the other hand, advocates decentralization of power and democratisation of power in real terms.
The road to the Palace
OLF and TPLF fought against the military junta. However, TPLF was more powerful militarily, enjoyed wider international support such as from the US. As a result, when the military junta was forced to collapse and power vacuum was created, the US unilaterally endorsed the TPLF to take power. And the two parties, with many others shared power and created a coalition government. In that coalition government, the TPLF had upper hand while the OLF the next. Power alignment in that coalition force was that TPLF was the boss and the OLF a subordinate.
The need for alliance
Though their common goal was to lead the country jointly during the transition, they also sow the opportunity differently. TPLF with its limited popular support, however, had neither dreamt of coming to power nor sure of staying on power longer. Therefore TPLF wanted some sort of alliance to gain legitimacy and acceptance across the different nationals, at least until it consolidate its grip on power.
As for the OLF it was a great opportunity, to reach the entire Oromo area- a vast land and, to carry out political activities aimed at increasing public awareness and participation in the upcoming election, as the OLF had strong public support in Oromia and was sure to win regional election if free and fair elections were to be held.
Further, there was a popular demand from the oppressed people for real decentralization of power. On top of that the US and other international allies and supporters of the TPLF promised more aid given that the TPLF launch a democratisation process. These all lead to the formation of the TGE.
The making of tyranny
TPLF and OLF, with dozen small parties shared power and created the TG. Election date fixed and all the parties started campaigning. As election date came closer and closer, tension between the two dominant forces increased.
In the meantime, TPLF and OLF kept expanding their local offices across the country to increase their sphere of control. In this confrontation, the TPLF enjoyed access to the national budget while the OLF enjoyed its huge popular support. As the election date came very close, popular support for the OLF increased dramatically, as indicated by snap election shoot.
In fact that result was a blow to the democratisation process in the country. It was indeed, because the TPLF found it absolutely necessary to reverse that popular support. But the only way the TPLF could do that was through some sort of coercion, particularly intimidating and limiting the OLF and its authorities from reaching out to the public. To that effect, first the media was used to dis-inform the public. Press releases were coming out of the offices of both parties day and night. Both seated in the same government but kept on blaming each other.
As the main election date came closer, the crisis became very serious. The US and EPLF of Eritrea started mediation. The two major forces brought OLF and TPLF together and negotiated settlement reached. But it was a hasty decision that rarely took into consideration the real cause(s) behind the conflict. The mediators and stakeholders agreed that the stakeholders to strongly refrain from using violence to win election. To that end, it was agreed the forces of the two parties to be camped and only the police force to oversee law and order in the country. This would enable the country to hold fair and free election enabling the people to elect their representatives to the National Assembly. The mediators were to oversee the implementation of the negotiated settlement and the upcoming election.
Accordingly the OLF encamped its army. The TPLF, however, defied the agreement in pretext of defending the security of the country against the ‘enemy’, as its army was equated as the national army. The stakeholders failed to respect the settlements agreed upon while the mediators failed to enforce it.
TPLF intensified intimidating OLF supporters and sympathizers. Worsening was when the TPLF army made a swift attack on the OLF army in different camps across Oromia. Fighting erupted, under the eyes of the mediators and the OLF was forced to leave the coalition government and was banned from peacefully operating in the country. After removing the OLF, the second most powerful opposition party, from the coalition government, TPLF became the only powerful party: the creator and destroyer of every thing. That move brought democratisation process in the country to halt. TPLF became tyranny surpassing the previous military junta it replaced.
After the OLF was forced out of the coalition, the TPLF governments’ political base became increasingly narrower. Thus in order to retain exclusive control of the state power, TPLF reverted to the use of excessive force and its rule became increasingly arbitrary, violent and brutal.
Why mediation failed: the mediators
The Eritrean Government (EPLF)
The EPLF, TPLF and OLF all fought against the military junta. When the military junta was forced down, the EPLF declared independency and created the Eritrean government. TPLF and OLF, with many small parties, formed the coalition government of Ethiopia. So the three forces had some common experiences including a common understanding and recognition of the right of the oppressed people for self-determination. Therefore, EPLF of Eritrea was the right body to mediate the conflict in question.
Unfortunately, people change opinions/interests and shift sides as time goes. The EPLF had two factors to consider. One was to ensure that the military junta and those forces opposing the Eritrean independency not make a comeback. The other thing was to secure access to resources in Ethiopia. To achieve these, it was necessary to support the dominant part in Ethiopia that promotes the above Eritrean interests, directly or indirectly. Owing to the contextual power relationship, that party was happened to be the TPLF. Therefore, the EPLF fought along with the TPLF and helped the TPLF establish “law and order” in the country. For the TPLF, key military and intelligence service were provided by the EPLF. Thus the EPLF as a mediator was far to be impartial. However because of the fact that the EPLF was the only force in the area in close contact with both stakeholders, with a good knowledge of both parties to the conflict, it was right to have the EPLF as a mediator. Thus, the EPLF was the both the wrong and right mediator at the same time.
Being the only world super power of the time and having persistent interest in the region, the US was and is the right body to mediate the conflict in question. However there were three points that influenced the attitude of the US towards the Oromia-Ethiopian conflict. In the first place, it was the US who installed the TPLF into power. And it seemed unrealistic to expect the US to exert full pressure on the TPLF. The second factor was that, in the eye of the US mediators, the OLF was not strong alternative force- despite its popularity in the region. US needed a force that will secure its interest in the region with minimum input. And also the democratic tradition of the Oromo may make it difficult for the OLF to abandon its national commitment and rather serve the US interest wholeheartedly.
Furthermore OLF was portrayed, by pro-centrist, as an agent for true decentralization of power. The US mediators feared this perceived OLF position as a threat to US interest in the region. This is because they believed that US interest in the region –including the Middle East is best respected only if there is strong pro-US government in Ethiopia. However, installing a minority regime- that operates against the will of the populace may serve US interest only in the short term.
Commenting on the US policy in the region (2) says that south of Aswan, Aswan is a dam on the Nile in Egypt, American authority remains fragile, its policies confused and its influence more of symbolic than real. Therefore, all went to the negotiation table thinking how to resolve the conflict whilst maintaining their respective interests in the region at most. Thus the concern for self interest, from both the mediators and the stakeholders’ sides, influenced not only the outcome of the mediation but also the implementation of the negotiated settlements.
The OLF boosting of its popular support from among Oromos- the majority in that empire, hoped to achieve a landslide victory, especially in Oromia. On the other hand, the OLF made mistakes by under estimating the war making machinery and desire of the TPLF. Also mediators were given more than necessary power.
The TPLF, being threatened by the popular support the OLF enjoyed among the Oromos, and knowing how far the mediators would go in resolving the conflict, took the law solely into its hand. The solution according to TPLF was bullet first and then ballot- after removing the opposition candidates.
Thus, all went their way leaving the assignment undone. And that
has given a new
life to an old conflict.
Today, after nearly 17 years, the country is still at war with itself. Unknown to the rest of the world, Ethiopia is waging war on its citizens in Ogaden. Human rights suppression is reaching an unprecedented scale in Oromia. TPLF has violated the sovereignty of Somalia with the sole objective of controlling and containing Oromo movement. Part of the Ethiopian territory is also used as a bribe to appease the Sudan government so that TPLF military will use that nation’s territory to monitor Oromo movement. That was why land was snatched from poor Ethiopian farmers and given away. This could not be done by government that claim to represent the nation, but by a foreign mercenary that is in power to serve not the nation and its people but the interest of its own power.
1. Markakis, John (1998) Resources Conflict in the Horn of Africa. International Peace Research Institute, Oslo. Saga publications.
2.Collins, Robert O (1999) Nile Conflict. Policy Brief 11-2: Smoothing the water. University of California. Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation.
"First came decolonization, the struggle against apartheid and the first attempt at nationbuilding.Then came a disappointing second wave, too often marked by civil wars and the tyranny of military or one-party rule; by economic stagnation as a result of corruption, weak governance, inadequate regulatory systems, state-sanctioned theft, and unchecked external interference....
"And I believe Africa is close to establishing a norm that will make it no more legitimate to cling to power by unconstitutional means than it is to come to power by them, and which will rule out ad hoc constitutional amendments to prolong the power of a particular ruler."
Kofi Annan, Banjul, July 1, 2006
"Yes, Yes, I agree! But it is also more than that. And I, Meles Zenawi, believe Africa is close to establishing a norm that will make it more legitimate to cling to power by unconstitutional means. I would also like to note that the end justifies the means and therefore is legitimate to make ad hoc constitutional amendments to protect and prolong the power of the government since it is a sign of stability and the bearer of democracy."
Mr Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Aduwa, May 2005
Friday, April 25, 2008
It is not common to see cars on this road but horses, mules and donkeys. And when there is a car, like today, it is difficult to see far ahead because of the dust that follows the car. It takes too long before the dust disappears or settles down. Because of the vegetation, there was no strong wind to take it away.
When I arrived, there were not so many people. Then not long after that people started pouring in from every direction. They were from all walks of life. It seemed everybody knows every one. Many greetings with warm hugs and kisses. Also close hand shake and long chat.
People were moving in every direction. Some were in a rush while others walked slowly in search of this or that item. There was not any form of label or indication of direction which shows where to get this or that item. But people who sell similar items tried to seat or put the items next to each other. This way they formed a sort of arranged placement. However, because an individual had more than one or two items, placement of items became haphazard giving a mosaic appearance.
A particular exception to the haphazardity was pottery, handicrafts and animals. These had separate areas. Pottery items were placed on the northerly edge of the market. Metal tools were at about 50 meters away after pottery products on the same direction. Because of two things, it was very easy to locate the blacksmith huts. One was the sound when the specialists hammer the metal into a desired product(s) and the other was a unique smell the charcoal they burn releases into the air. The smell was not disgusting. The charcoal was from a tree that they call bahaa from an Olea family.
Some where to the west were animals. Oxen must have been in a great demand for there was a big crowed around. There were fewer mules and donkeys than horses. I have not seen even a single camel in the market and neither for that matter in the surrounding areas. "Where there are horses there are no camels", said an old man answering my question with surprise. There were more female and children where the scene was dominated by sheep and chickens than with any of the other animals.
For many the purpose of going there was far more than buying or selling. The market was also a venue for meeting or hearing news of friends from another end. For some it was too long to visit relatives from a distant village. But now each contributes his or her share of shortening the distance. One, who failed to go there, had to send greetings through neighbourhood or else face the pressure of abandonment at least until next market day.
Recently Arge has started attracting attention from the big as well as the small, the rich and the poor alike. Like the general merchandise, the price of salt has increased 1000% across the country, and even worse in the capital of the country. But bargaining has made the picture different and unique for Arge. But there have been many more reasons for the popularity of Arge. As bargaining between the empire keepers and the local heroes is ever intensifying, Arge also has come to be the venue for many to hear the news of their own borns, the local heroes whose whereabouts is untraceable.
But the most interesting bargain I saw was in the case of those buying tobacco bread. It was locally made crude tobacco bread used for smoking. The smoking apparatus was a pipe prepared from dry a gourd.
The seller, a man, measured the bread by finger. Then the buyer, also a man, held the other end of the bread and tried to get more and more into his hand. The seller held the bread with one hand and a sharp knife with the other. He aimed the knife against the surface of the bread to slice just apiece. As price was already agreed, the buyer tried to increase his catch while the seller tries to reduce the out going share at a knifepoint. Here bargaining was more of action than words. It was very short but intense and full of action. Tension eased immediately the cut was made. And it was a peaceful one.
At the end of the day, said an old man watching the action; every thing goes to its destination.
Thursday, April 24, 2008
Baayyinni ummata Oromiyaa miliyoona 40tti tilmaamama. Bal'inni lafa ishees kiiloo meetra kaaree 600,000 (kuma dhibba jaha) olitti shallagama. Karaa bal'ina lafaatiin biyyoota Afrikaa 50 keessaa sadarkaa 18ffaa irratti argamti. Bal'inna lafaan Kuubaa, Bulgaariyaa, Xaaliyaanii fi Ingliziin yoo walitti dabalaman hamma Oromiyaa hin gayan.
Oromiyaan qilleensa gaarii, kan ho’aa ykn qabanaa’aa jedhamee hin daangeffamne qilleensa qabbana ho’atti madaalu giddu galeessa qabdi. Haalli qilleensa Oromiyaa kunis waktii(season) afuritti, Birraa, Arfaasaa, Bonaa fi Ganna jedhamee qoodamuun beekama.
Oromiyaa uumamaan badhaatuu dha. Biyyi kun lafa gabbataa qonnaa fi bosonaaf tolu qaba. Lafti Oromiyaa kuusaa albuudaan kan jiruu fi jireenya saba Oromoo fooyyeessuu fi jijjiiruu tajaajiluu danda’uu hedduu of keessaa qaba. Albuudaa lafni Oromoo qabdu keessaa, daaba(Warqee), birrii (silver), plaatiniyeemii, yuraaniyeemii, dhagaa maarbilii, niikeelii fi boba’aa (natural gas) sogida, kasala (charcoal), suphee, sibila (copper and iron), simintoo (cement) maqaa dhahuun ni danda’ama. Oromiyaan bineensota daggalaa kanneen akka leenca, qeerramsa, arba, bosonuu, jaldeessa, qamalee, saattaawwaa, fi kanneen fakkaatan heedduu qabdi. Qonnaan bultoonni Oromoo horii manaa kanneen akka sa’a, re’ee, hoolaa, farad, gaangoo, harree, lukkuu (andaaqqoo), fi kanneen fakkatan bal’inaan horsiisu. Lafti Oromiyaa midhaan gosa hedduu kaneen akka xaafii, boqqolloo, garbuu, atarii, baaqilaa, bisingaa, akkasumas buna, jimaa fi kkf magarsa.
Oromiyaan, lageen, haroowwan, gaarreewwanii fi bosona maqaa dhawaman baayyee qabdi. Lageen heedduun har’a kibba-bahaa Afrikaa keessatti argaman keessaa irra guddaan isaanii Oromiyaa keessaa kan maddanii dha. Isaan kana keessaa maqaa dhahuufis Haroo Xaanaa irraa ka’ee biyya Oromiyaa baayyee kutee darbuun Sudan erga ga’een booda Gurraacha Abbayya (Blue Nile) jedhamee kan beekamu Abbaya ykn Mormor. Dachee Oromiyaa keessaa kanneen maddan laggeen Waabee fi Gannaalee, laggeen xixiqqoo baayyee ofitti dabaluun lafa Oromoo keessa darbanii Sumaaliyaaf wabii jireenyaa kan ta’an, akkasumas handhuura Oromiyaa Jibaatii fi Macca keessaa ka’uun hundee dinagdee fi wabii jireenya impaayera Ethiopia kan ta’e Awwaashi laggeen Oromiyaa warra maqaan dhahaman keessatti argamu.
Haroowwan Oromiyaa keessaa maddan hedduu keessaa, Shaalaa, Bushooftuu, Qooqaa, Laangaanoo, Laaqii Danbal, Fincawaa fi haroowwan Haaroomaayaa maqaa dhahuun ni danda’ama. Fincawa, Gilgel Gibee fi MalkaaWaakkennaan humna ibsaa (electricity) Empayera Ethiopia utubanii kan qabanii jiraniidha.
Oromiyaan gaarren gurduddoos ni qabdi. Isaan keessaa kutaa Arsii keessatti kan argaman Kaarraa, Enkelloon, dhiha Oromiyaatti kan argamu Tulluu Walal, baha Oromiyaatti kan argamu Mul’ataa, akkasumas giddu-galeessa Oromiyaatti kan argamu Baddaa Roggee maqaa dhahuun ni dandahama. Kana malees Oromiyaan lafa daawwatootta harkisuun galii maddisiisuu danda’an baayyee qabdi.
Oromiyaan biyya ballee qabeenya olitti ibsamee ofkeessatti qabduu dha. Oromoonni qabeenya uumamaa kana dhimma itti bahuun mala-jireenyaa adda addaa geggeefataa jiratu. Harki guddeessi ummata Oromoo qonnaan, horii horsiisuu dabalatee, jiraatu.
Fuulli kun bakka dhimma Oromia fi Oromummaa irratti haala bilisa taheen yaada wal jijjirruu fi marihanuu dha. Yaada gorsaas tahee yaddoo dhibdee Oromia fi Oromummaa irratti qabdu kabajaan simannee siif keessumsiifna. Irra caalaa garuu dandeettii afaan Oromoo barreessuu horachuuf toora kanaan yaada wal-jijjiruu kan fedhu hundaaf ulaa banuun fedha. Ani gama kiyyaan hiree kanatti dhimma bahuun qabxiilee Oromia fi Oromummaa irratti rarra’an irratti tokko lama jechuuun fedha. Akeeki koos, orma caala hubannaa fi ejjennaa tan mata koo of –qoruu fedheen. Ormis utuu akkas yaalee, fuula kana akkasumas marsaalee Oromoo biro bilchinaa fi ogummaan dhimma itii baane humnaa fi qabeenya (yeroo fi dandeettii dabalatee) waan biyyaaf faayidaa qabu tokkorra oolchuu dandeenya jedheen yaada. Kanaafuu, ofirraa eegaluu kooti. Harraa eegalee, barruu adda addaan fuula kanarratti dhiheessuu yaala.
Barruuleen dhuhaachuu malan qabxii adda addaa irratti kan xiyyeeffatan yeroo tahu, waliigalatti afaan Oromoo akka diriirfatuuf gahee akka nam-tokketti bahuun narra jirun raawwachuuf carraqa.
Tole, yeroo kee fudhattee hanga kana fuula kana doowwachuu keef hedduu galatoom. Yaada qabdus asumaan yoo lafa nuuf keessa galatni kee walabummaa dha jednna.
Alamu. Yaad karaa Oromia2008@gmail.com naa erguu dandeessa